Photo depicting maps of the Sulu Sultanate and Maguindanao Sultanate of the Sulu & Maguindanao Sultanates Facebook group, showing machine guns in the background.

Source: Sulu & Maguindanao Sultanates Facebook group

Across Facebook posts, reels, and shared historical images, supporters and community members are increasingly calling on the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) to move beyond parallel paths and work together. This call is not framed as nostalgia alone, but as a response to political uncertainty, perceived unfinished self-determination, and shifting national power.

At the center of this conversation is a growing sense that autonomy, while achieved in form, remains incomplete in substance. These posts fit the current political climate, with the recent Mindanao People's Consultative Conference in Zamboanga City in December 2025, and the plan for further meetings with the goal to unveil a manifesto and a set of resolutions for the future of the area in early February 2026. Convened by the Mayor Sara Duterte Alliance, the gathering served as a venue to address urgent regional concerns, concerns that have prompted renewed conversations about Mindanao’s long-standing aspirations for self-rule.

From Parallel Struggles to a Shared Responsibility

Several posts trace the historical evolution of Bangsamoro, from Ansarul Islam and the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM), to the MNLF under Nur Misuari, the MILF under Hashim Salamat, and later breakaway groups. This history is not presented as a rivalry, but as a single struggle that fractured over time.

One post bluntly summarizes the current perceived situation: armed struggles have largely ended, revolutionary groups have been decommissioned, and many former fighters are now part of governance structures. Yet the same post insists the struggle itself is not over, declaring, “Non violence struggle for freedom re[c]overy is coming.”

“Non violence struggle for freedom re[c]overy is coming.”

Within this framing, MILF and MNLF are no longer seen as competing claimants to legitimacy, but as co-heirs to an unfinished mission. Expressions such as “SOLID MNLF” appear alongside content referencing MILF identity, suggesting that grassroots supporters increasingly view division as a liability rather than a principle.

Calls like “Sulu and Maguindanao must be stand one united under one flag” reflect a desire to transcend organizational boundaries in favor of a broader unity.

“Sulu and Maguindanao must be stand one united under one flag.”

BARMM, Disillusionment, and the Return of the Unity Question

The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) was meant to institutionalize the gains of decades of struggle, yet many posts convey disappointment and distrust. One striking phrase “The Torch left BARMM” could capture the belief that the revolutionary spirit has dimmed within formal governance.

Criticism is often directed at how it is perceived to be managed, and at its relationship with Manila. The central government is portrayed as distant and historically untrustworthy, sometimes described in colonial language as “Manila-centered” or as inheritors of conquest.

"In this context, unity between MILF and MNLF is framed as a corrective force, a way to prevent fragmentation or political marginalization."

In this context, unity between MILF and MNLF is framed as a corrective force, a way to prevent fragmentation or political marginalization. Unity becomes both an aspiration and an anxiety: desired, yet fragile.

Faith, History, and the Moral Case for Cooperation

Religious language strongly reinforces the call for cooperation. Repeated invocations of guidance and protection situate political unity within a moral and spiritual framework.

“What our forefathers started is what we will finish until the end insha allah.”

This is paired with historical memory. Posts recalling Sulu warriors and the Sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao invoke a time when leadership and sovereignty were not divided by modern political structures. One message captures this intergenerational obligation clearly: “What our forefathers started is what we will finish until the end insha allah.”

Within this worldview, MILF–MNLF cooperation is not just strategic, it is framed as faithful, ancestral, and necessary.

A post from the Facebook group, showing soldiers and a description saying "“What our forefathers started is what we will finish until the end insha allah.” Source: Sulu & Maguindanao Sultanates Facebook group

Sulu Provincial Leaders’ Ban on MILF Activities

In a time when the the Facebook page calls for unity and joint efforts between the MILF and MNLF, a copy of an official document of the Provincial Government of Sulu from December 26, 2025, expressing their opposition against any MILF or MNLF activities within the territory was also shared.

The Sulu Provincial Board passed a resolution banning any activities or expansions by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the province, asserting Sulu as the exclusive domain of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). This decision was signed by Vice Governor Hadji Abdusakur Tan Sr. and eight other members of the Sangguniang Panlalawigan. The resolution was triggered by concerns over a planned MILF gathering in Luuk town, with officials highlighting the lack of military clearance for the event.

"Allowing the conduct of MILF activities (in Sulu) without lawful authority, or security clearance poses risks of misunderstanding and destabilization."

The resolution stated that "Allowing the conduct of MILF activities (in Sulu) without lawful authority, or security clearance poses risks of misunderstanding and destabilization." The decision comes after a 2024 Supreme Court ruling that removed Sulu from the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), following a petition filed by Tan when he was governor. Despite Sulu's exclusion from BARMM on September 9 2024, regional government agencies continue to operate in the province. The Sulu provincial board also made clear that they do not recognize the MILF’s political, administrative, or security authority over the area.

"We are hoping that the provincial board in Sulu will listen to us. All we want is peace, lasting peace, co-existence and solidarity of all Moro communities in Mindanao."

In response, the MNLF, led by Bangsamoro Labor and Employment Minister Muslimin Sema, called for the resolution to be rescinded, urging the Sulu Provincial Board to reconsider. The MNLF expressed concerns, saying, "We are hoping that the provincial board in Sulu will listen to us. All we want is peace, lasting peace, co-existence and solidarity of all Moro communities in Mindanao.” Sema emphasized the importance of cooperation between Moro groups. The MNLF, which has its own peace agreement with the national government, stressed the need for inclusive dialogue and joint efforts for lasting peace. This call reflects broader concerns about maintaining unity among Moro communities and supporting the success of peace initiatives in the region.

Sara Duterte and Mindanao-Centered Political Loyalty

Alongside calls for Moro unity, national politics enters the discussion through strong expressions of support for Vice President Sara Duterte. Posts highlighting her rising trust ratings and her presence in Davao during community events are shared approvingly, often without detailed policy discussion.

Her appeal appears symbolic rather than ideological. As VP Duterte, a figure rooted in Mindanao, she is perceived as closer to the region’s historical grievances and identity than traditional Manila elites. In contrast to skepticism toward President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s administration, VP Duterte is framed as a leader who understands Mindanao’s political and cultural realities.

"Her appeal appears symbolic rather than ideological. As VP Duterte, a figure rooted in Mindanao, she is perceived as closer to the region’s historical grievances and identity than traditional Manila elites."

This loyalty does not replace calls for Bangsamoro unity; instead, it intersects with them. Support for VP Duterte reflects a broader desire for allies in national power who are seen as sympathetic to Moro concerns, especially at a time when confidence in BARMM and central governance feels uncertain.

"As a Mindanawon, I will always protect and support the interest of Mindanao and its people — knowing the role of Mindanao in the growth of the entire country."

While VP Duterte has not explicitly called for the MILF and MNLF to work jointly, she has repeatedly acknowledged their importance as partners in peace and development and has expressed deep gratitude for their political support. During the 2022 elections she publicly thanked the MNLF for endorsing her vice-presidential candidacy and that of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., emphasizing that "MNLF’s support is essential to our cause of bringing about meaningful and lasting peace and development in Mindanao and the rest of the country."

Her support is deepened by her own heritage, saying "As a Mindanawon, I will always protect and support the interest of Mindanao and its people — knowing the role of Mindanao in the growth of the entire country."

A Struggle Recast, Not Abandoned

What emerges from these online conversations is not a return to armed conflict, but a reassertion of purpose. Facebook has become the new space where the struggle is narrated, through history, faith, unity appeals, and political signaling. But why now?

The call for MILF and MNLF to work together reflects a greater political echo and current topic. The most recent backlash against the Sulu provincial leaders on banning MILF activities echoes growing discontempt with the local government and Manila-centered approaches.

Both the MNLF and MILF, while separate, have been vocal about the need for unity in the ongoing peace efforts, and have urged for collaboration to ensure lasting peace and the protection of their peace agreements. The voices for collaboration between the MNLF and MILF are becoming louder now, it could be due to the heightened tensions in Sulu over its exclusion from BARMM, or the growing realization that unity is crucial for securing lasting peace and safeguarding the gains from their respective peace agreements. And in the search for political partners beyond the region, figures like VP Duterte become symbols of hope, proximity, and recognition.

It remains to be seen whether these calls for collaboration will translate into tangible political alliances, or if they will remain a reflection of the deepening frustration with the status quo.

REFERENCES

Daily Tribune. (2026, January 3). MILF, Sulu clash over resolution. Daily Tribune. https://tribune.net.ph/

Inday Sara Duterte. (2022). Statement on the endorsement by MNLF to the candidacy of Sara Duterte and Bongbong Marcos . Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/

Know Sulu. (2025, December 30). Mindanao's Struggle for Identity: A Call for Independence and the Shadow of the Sulu Heirs Case. Know Sulu. https://knowsulu.ph/

Philstar. (2025, December 29). Provincial board bars MILF activities in Sulu. Philstar. https://www.philstar.com/

Philstar. (2026, January 4). MNLF reacts to Sulu provincial leaders’ ban on MILF activities. Philstar. https://www.philstar.com/

Sulu & Maguindanao Sultanates. (2025). Facebook Group. https://www.facebook.com/